A tide of member discontent
swept the Members First slate to victory in the 196,000-member American Postal
Workers Union October 8. Seven of the slate’s nine candidates unseated
incumbents—reflecting dissatisfaction with the 2010 national agreement and the
union’s inadequate response to mail plant closings and other assaults on postal
jobs.
One member posted his
reaction online: “From the day that piece of crap contract was ratified, I have
been hoping for this day to come.”
Support from former APWU
president William Burrus was also a factor. Presidential challenger Mark
Dimondstein won nearly 27,000 member votes to incumbent Cliff Guffey’s 21,000.
The first step for the new
administration, which takes office November 7, will likely be mending fences
with the other large postal union, the Letter Carriers (NALC).
Both joined with two smaller
postal unions for joint rallies in 2011 pressing Congress to undo the economic
woes it had created for the post office. But when NALC held a Day of Action
this past March on saving Saturday mail delivery, APWU sat it out.
Local APWU activists
participated, but the national union’s failure to publish even a token
endorsement (as the other unions belatedly did) was an embarrassing display of
disunity at a time when both Congress and the Postmaster General have been
generating attacks on all postal crafts.
APWU represents maintenance
workers, truck drivers, and clerks, whose jobs range from processing mail in
plants to selling stamps in post offices.
FACTS VS. FICTION
Postal unions have never
faced bigger challenges. The biggest is resisting proposed cuts to jobs and
services in the face of a steady drumbeat of propaganda—from the Postmaster
General and others who want to downsize and privatize USPS practically out of
existence—about “postal losses in the billions.”
The financial woes are an
accounting fiction, created by a 2006 congressional mandate that requires USPS
to pump $5 billion-plus annually into the federal treasury to prefund retiree
medical benefits 75 years in advance. In its operations USPS is actually
turning a profit, $182 million in the first 11 months of fiscal year 2013.
But the paper losses create a
convenient rationale for closing mail processing plants, cutting jobs, and
reducing standards for on-time delivery. Postal unions have lobbied
unsuccessfully to get Congress to undo the mandate—a task made harder by the
misinformation about postal finances that dominates mainstream reporting.
ACTIVIST ORIENTATION
The Members First Team brings
a sorely needed activist orientation to the APWU. The prior administration
relied on lobbying and TV ads, and praised local actions without successfully
leading them.
Dimondstein had been lead
organizer for the union’s private sector organizing, an effort to unionize
subcontracted trucking and private mail-sorting firms that was mandated by
delegates at APWU conventions. That effort was shelved by the incumbents.
Dimondstein also co-founded the Greensboro, North Carolina, Jobs with Justice
chapter and helped initiate a local coalition, Postal Customers and Workers
United to Save the Postal Service.
Two of the new officers were
part of a 2012 hunger strike to save the post office, started by the grassroots
network Communities and Postal Workers United (CPWU). Several have experienced
firsthand the effects of plant shutdowns in their own locals. What they had in
common was frustration with the national union’s failure to stem the attacks on
postal jobs.
RANK AND FILE IS KEY
Organizing the rank and file
is the key to what the new administration could bring to the APWU. National officers
had expressed frustration with members’ “apathy,” but were also reluctant to
call rallies that could get more members involved.
“We have to have an engaged,
active membership to do the things we’re trying to do,” Dimondstein said. “To
defend the postal service, we want to organize the public; we want to organize
our allies.”
Restoring a culture of
mobilization after years of inattention normally takes time—but a planned
shutdown of dozens of mail processing plants looms in February 2014. Such a move
would end overnight delivery of first-class mail, eliminate thousands of jobs,
and displace thousands of workers.
The Postal Service also plans
to subcontract postal trucking nationwide, 7,000 drivers’ jobs. In California,
CPWU activists and local APWU officers have organized anti-privatization
actions, including a sit-in at the office of Rep. Darrell Issa, standard-bearer
for the Congressional attack on postal unions.
The outgoing administration
said building alliances with community groups was important, but the incoming
group brings hands-on experience.
An important part of the
Members First platform was ending divisive three-tier wage structures. The 2010
agreement vastly expanded the non-career workforce. It brought some
improvements over the previous “casual” category, but even when non-career
employees attain career status, they face a lower ceiling on the pay scale and
higher costs for health insurance.
The new leaders have pledged
to do better in the 2015 contract.
One selling point of the 2010
contract was the return of craft work, such as subcontracted custodial and
trucking jobs, and clerk work in small post offices. That promise has mostly
been unfulfilled, as the Postal Service has dragged its feet or even reneged.
Arbitrations and hearings already
under way will decide some of the issues, but raising privatization as a public
issue should be part of a long-term strategy to defend postal jobs.
The new leaders will face
heightened expectations—but they bring an expanded vision, too.
Source: LaborNotes.org
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